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It is an odd but indisputable fact that the seventeenth-century English women who are generally regarded as among the forerunners of modern feminism are almost all identified with the Royalist side in the conflict between Royalists and Parliamentarians known as the English Civil Wars. Since Royalist ideology is often associated with the radical patriarchalism of seventeenthcentury political theorist Robert Filmer—a patriarchalism that equates family and kingdom and asserts the divinely ordained absolute power of the king and, by analogy, of the male head of the household—historians have been understandably puzzled by the fact that Royalist women wrote the earliest extended criticisms of the absolute subordination of women in marriage and the earliest systematic assertions of women’s rational and moral equality with men. Some historians have questioned the facile equation of Royalist ideology with Filmerian patriarchalism; and indeed, there may have been no consistent differences between Royalists and Parliamentarians on issues of family organization and women’s political rights, but in that case one would expect early feminists to be equally divided between the two sides.

Catherine Gallagher argues that Royalism engendered feminism because the ideology of absolute monarchy provided a transition to an ideology of the absolute self. She cites the example of the notoriously eccentric author Margaret Cavendish (1626–1673), duchess of Newcastle. Cavendish claimed to be as ambitious as any woman could be, but knowing that as a woman she was excluded from the pursuit of power in the real world, she resolved to be mistress of her own world, the “immaterial world” that any person can create within her own mind—and, as a writer, on paper. In proclaiming what she called her “singularity,” Cavendish insisted that she was a self-sufficient being within her mental empire, the center of her own subjective universe rather than a satellite orbiting a dominant male planet. In justifying this absolute singularity, Cavendish repeatedly invoked the model of the absolute monarch, a figure that became a metaphor for the self-enclosed, autonomous nature of the individual person. Cavendish’s successors among early feminists retained her notion of woman’s sovereign self, but they also sought to break free from the complete political and social isolation that her absolute singularity entailed.


Which of the following, if true, would most clearly undermine Gallagher’s explanation of the link between Royalism and feminism?

正确答案: C

参考解析

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    文章大意逻辑
    17世纪英国现代女权运动先驱大多支持保皇党,这很奇怪。因为保皇党意识形态常和父权制联系,但保皇党女性却最早批判女性在婚姻中的绝对从属地位,主张男女理性和道德平等。一些历史学家质疑保皇党意识形态和菲尔默父权制的简单等同,因为保皇党和议会党在家庭组织和女性政治权利问题上无持续差异,按说早期女权主义者应在两方平均分布。凯瑟琳·加拉格尔认为保皇主义催生女权主义,因为绝对君主制意识形态为绝对自我意识形态提供了过渡,以玛格丽特·卡文迪什为例,她声称自己虽不能在现实世界追求权力,但在精神世界是主宰。 文章类型及逻辑简图
    文章类型:观点阐述型。 逻辑简图: Fact: 17 century English feminist forerunners are mostly Royalist. Puzzle: Royalist ideology linked to patriarchalism, yet Royalist women were early feminists. Historians' doubt: No consistent differences between Royalists and Parliamentarians on women's rights. Gallagher's view: Royalism engendered feminism, example of Cavendish. 问题类型及做题方法
    问题类型:削弱题。做题方法:根据题干关键词“Gallagher's explanation”定位到加拉格尔观点部分,找出能削弱其观点的选项。 选项分析
    A选项:保皇党女性因特权背景受教育程度更高。受教育程度与保皇主义和女权主义的联系无关,无法削弱,排除。 B选项:菲尔默读过卡文迪什早期作品并批判其观点。菲尔默对卡文迪什的态度与保皇主义催生女权主义的观点无关,排除。 C选项:卡文迪什的观点高度个人化,其他写早期女权作品的保皇党女性并不认同。这说明卡文迪什的例子不具代表性,不能支撑加拉格尔认为保皇主义催生女权主义的观点,有力削弱,当选。 D选项:保皇党和议会党在家庭组织和女性政治权利问题上基本一致。这是历史学家的观点相关内容,与削弱加拉格尔观点无关,排除。 E选项:保皇党中有相当一部分人反对菲尔默父权制的激进倾向。这与保皇主义是否催生女权主义没有直接关联,无法削弱,排除。

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